- Programme Director, Former Member of the Provincial Legislature Maggie Govender,
- Former Member of Parliament and Convenor of the Natal Indian Congress 130th Anniversary Committee, Ela Gandhi,
- Former Minster Mac Maharaj,
- Veteran leaders Sunny Singh, S’bu Ndebele, Sam Ramsamy, Don Gumede, Linda Zama, and Ambassador Dennis Dlomo,
- All members and former members of Natal Indian Congress Committees,
- Civil Society, Academia and all present.
Thank you to the Organising Committee of the 130th Anniversary of the Natal Indian Congress for providing this platform for dialogue and exchange, and for extending an invitation to me to address this significant milestone in the history of our people.
An occasion to engage on matters of historical importance is perhaps more so an opportunity to encounter and examine the lived reality that we find ourselves in today. Such dialogue is crucial, both at a community level and for the broader efforts dedicated to fostering social cohesion.
As we survey the timeline of human history, we should always attempt to seek out pathways to preserve our historical narratives and strengthen authentic voices that encompass a diverse set of experiences. These stories shape our societies and serve as source of knowledge, helping us to unite and build on our humanity.
We may find in today’s reflection of the past 130 years and beyond, that the simple, yet profound sense of unity that certain individuals choose as the object of their focus, creates a ripple effect allowing for a greater number of people to transcend their differences. The momentum of such unity develops mutual respect, understanding, and cooperation, and so enables us to better address challenges through the lens of a shared humanity.
In 1977, O.R. Tambo delivered an address in Southern Angola, and was recorded saying:
“Comrades, you might think it is very difficult to wage a liberation struggle. Wait until you are in power. I might be dead by then. At that stage, you will realise that it is actually more difficult to keep the power than to wage a liberation war. People would be expecting a lot of services from you. You would have to satisfy the various demands of the masses of our people. In the process, be prepared to learn from other people’s revolutions — learn from the enemy also. The enemy is not necessarily doing everything wrongly. You may take his right tactics and use them to your advantage. At the same time, avoid repeating the enemy’s mistakes.”
In other words, dear Comrades, when you are oppressed and struggling to be free, you must not be like the oppressors, you have got to be better than them, you cannot be like them.
Since their colonial history to the postcolonial present, much of Africa and the Indian Subcontinent have been pursued as a supplier of human labour and raw materials.
Through this historic lens, we are reminded that along our shared timeline, we should not take context for granted. The ways in which societies have coordinated are largely a result of historical context.
The Dutch landed on our shores in South Africa in the mid-17th Century, later taken over by the British, and dispossessing indigenous inhabitants of their land.
History records that Jan van Riebeeck of the Dutch East India Company, arrived on the shores of the Cape of Good Hope, accompanied by a garrison of about a hundred soldiers with a mandate to establish a refreshment station. He found a place populated by the San and KhoiKhoi peoples. So, the first question which arose was: on whose land was he to establish such a refreshment station?
Thus, the first war of dispossession broke out almost immediately in 1657 to herald similar frontier wars that were to last for two hundred years.
The second question that arose was whose labour was to till the land?
Since soldiers are not usually trained to till the soil, slaves and indentured labourers had to be imported from Malaysia, Indonesia, India, Angola, Zanzibar, Madagascar and more.
The stage was set for the institutionalisation of racial discrimination. With mounting policies, practices and segregationist laws that informed the formation of the Union of South Africa, the groundwork was laid for the grand Apartheid system that would emerge 38 years later and dominated South African society for much of the 20th century.
The year 2024 marks the 164th Anniversary of the arrival of the Indian community in South Africa, as well as the 130th Anniversary of the Natal Indian Congress, established in 1894 by Mahatma Gandhi, the 122nd Anniversary of The African People’s Organisation, established in 1902, the 121st Anniversary of the Transvaal Indian Congress (TIC), established in 1903, the 112th Anniversary of the founding of the African National Congress (ANC) in 1912, and the 114th Anniversary of the Union of South Africa, which came into force on 31 May 1910.
Between 1860 and 1911, more than one-hundred-and-fifty-thousand indentured workers from India arrived in Durban as part of a massive global web of human migration. The magnitude and the significance of their experience cannot be overstated.
Understanding the historical context of South Africa requires an acknowledgement of the complex interplay of political, social, and economic factors that contributed to our struggle for freedom and the ongoing realisation of a united, democratic, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous society.
Driven by a need to address the systemic injustices faced by Indian immigrants, the Natal Indian Congress emerged during a period of intense racial and political turmoil where Indians and Africans faced harsh discriminatory laws and social and economic exclusion.
The solidarity between different liberation and anti-apartheid organisations at the time, were greatly influenced by the Indian community in South Africa who were instrumental in forming alliances and bonds during the struggle.
Reflecting on the 1947 Joint Declaration: Lessons for Unity
A landmark moment in the history of the Natal Indian Congress was the 1947 Joint Declaration of Cooperation between the Natal Indian Congress, the Transvaal Indian Congress, and African National Congress.
This agreement marked a strategic alliance between major anti-apartheid organisations, recognising the importance of collective action in the struggle for liberation.
More than a mere symbolic gesture, the 1947 Declaration represented a pragmatic alignment of forces that emphasised a united front against racial oppression and endorsed the principles of non-racialism and democratic governance.
By fostering cooperation among these organisations, the Declaration facilitated a more coordinated approach underscored by a spirit that recognised shared pain and struggle across racial and ethnic lines – a spirit that fuelled the engines of a united resistance movement.
Commonly referred to as The Three Doctors’ Pact, the 1947 Joint Declaration of Cooperation was outlined in a joint statement written by Dr. A.B. Xuma, President of the African National Congress, Dr. G.M. Naicker, President of the Natal Indian Congress, and Dr. Y.M. Dadoo, President of the Transvaal Indian Congress., and reads as follows:
“This Joint Meeting between the representatives of the African National Congress and the Natal and Transvaal Indian Congresses, having fully realised the urgency of cooperation between the Non-European peoples and other democratic forces for the attainment of basic human rights and full citizenship for all sections of the South African people, has resolved that a Joint Declaration of cooperation is imperative for the working out of a practical basis of cooperation between the national organisations of the Non-European peoples.
This Joint Meeting declares its sincerest conviction that for the future progress, goodwill, good race relations, and for the building of a united, greater and free South Africa, full franchise rights must be extended to all sections of the South African people, and to this end this Joint Meeting pledges the fullest cooperation between the African and Indian peoples and appeals to all democratic and freedom-loving citizens of South Africa to support fully and cooperate in this struggle for:
1) Full franchise.
2) Equal economic and industrial rights and opportunities and the recognition of African trade unions under the Industrial Conciliation Act.
3) The removal of ail land restrictions against Non-Europeans and the provision of adequate housing facilities for all Non-Europeans.
4) The extension of free and compulsory education to Non-Europeans.
5) Guaranteeing freedom of movement and the abolition of Pass Laws against the African people and the Provincial barriers against Indians.
6) And the removal of all discriminatory and oppressive legislations from the Union`s statute book.
This Joint Meeting is therefore of the opinion that for the attainment of these objects it is urgently necessary that a vigorous campaign be immediately launched and that every effort be made to compel the Union Government to implement the United Nations` decisions and to treat the non-European peoples in South Africa in conformity with the principles of the United Nations Charter.
This Joint Meeting further resolves to meet from time to time to implement this Declaration and to take active steps in proceeding with the campaign.”
By pooling resources, sharing strategies, and presenting a united front, the Natal Indian Congress, the Transvaal Indian Congress, and African National Congress amplified their impact and advocacy.
Fast forward to 2024, and the South Africa of today is navigating the complexities of its own contemporary coalitions and alliances in a multi-party democracy.
The Three Doctors Pact highlighted the importance of inclusivity and representation among various sections of society, delivering a unified and authentic voice for change.
Through their sincere collaboration, we may find honest examples that can inspire ethics and principled leadership among us all and for future leaders.
Delving deeper into history uncovers many more role models for us to learn from, especially the many women who played pivotal and transformative roles.
Founded with a focus primarily on issues affecting Indian men, women’s participation in the NIC was limited in the early days. The revival of the NIC in the 1970s, amidst the rise of the Black Consciousness Movement and the Mass Democratic Movement, saw a gradual shift towards greater inclusion of women in political activities, which helped to propel a wider awareness around the intersection of gender and racial oppression.
The involvement of women in the NIC not only emphasises the importance of gender inclusivity in all political and social movements, but also paved the way for greater gender equality within South African society.
Transcending merely supportive roles and cementing themselves as central figures in the struggle for freedom, justice, equality and equitable inclusion, some of the many women who led us, included and in no particular order:
- Fatima Meer – anti-apartheid activist, sociologist, and writer, known for her strong stance against racial discrimination and her efforts to promote social justice and equality.
- Ela Gandhi – t granddaughter of Mahatma Gandhi, worked tirelessly to promote non-violence and social justice, playing a significant role in the United Democratic Front (UDF) and other civic organizations.
- Amina Cachalia – influential and dedicated activist who fought shoulder-to-shoulder with her male counterparts in the struggle for liberation, was marked by her commitment to gender equality and social justice.
- Kesaveloo Goonam –a pioneering activist and one of the first women to be elected to the executive of the NIC in 1950 worked tirelessly to promote women’s rights and established a medical practice for women in Durban.
- Phyllis Naidoo – another prominent anti-apartheid activist and member of the NIC known for her dedication to support political prisoners and their families.
- Asha Moodley – an active member of the NIC, playing a significant role in the United Democratic Front and involved in various campaigns and initiatives aimed at ending apartheid and promoting equality.
- Frene Ginwala (25 April 1932 – 12 January 2023) was a South African journalist and politician who was the first speaker of the National Assembly of South Africa from 1994 to 2004.
- Rahima Moosa was a member of the Transvaal Indian Congress and later the African National Congress. She is well known for the role she played in the national uprising of women on 9 August 1956.
- Shanthi Naidoo (born in Pretoria, 6 March 1935) is a South African anti-Apartheid activist and an early African National Congress member. She was placed in solitary confinement for her political activism. After leaving South Africa, she continued her political activism on behalf of ANC from Britain.
These women, among others, were instrumental in shaping the policies and actions of the NIC, TIC and ANC.
Their contributions mobilised communities by setting up social welfare initiatives, schools, healthcare facilities, and community centres.
They established support networks to assist families affected by political repression and provided legal aid, financial assistance, and emotional support.
They placed themselves up front and centre, in the face of the oppressor, risking arrest and imprisonment in order to challenge unjust laws and policies.
Their work and legacy continue to inspire a melting pot of activists and provides us with actionable examples to build social cohesion.
Other examples of leaders that emerged from a melting pot of diverse peoples, were students and academics within university settings.
Universities were more than just academic institutions, they were birthplaces of resistance and intellectual awakening where many students of the era, who were categorised as non-European or non-white by the apartheid regime, forged their political consciousness and strategies for combating white minority rule.
However, universities as symbols of hope and unity were directly targeted by the apartheid regime’s divisive tactics, particularly through The Extension of University Education Act, Act 45 of 1959. This legislation sought to dismantle the intellectual and political unity that universities represented.
The University of Fort Hare was a fountainhead of black intellectualism and political activism, a space that nurtured the minds that would later lead the struggle against apartheid. In 1961, the apartheid government began a concerted effort to transform Fort Hare into a university primarily for isiXhosa-speaking students.
This shift was not merely a matter of administrative reorganisation but a deliberate attempt to fragment the broader black political and intellectual landscape, along ethnic lines.
By focusing on isiXhosa-speaking students, the regime aimed to limit the university’s role in fostering cross-cultural solidarity, to dilute its influence as a centre of black resistance, and to promote politics of identity or ethnonationalism.
Similarly, Indian students faced their own forms of segregation and limitations and were corralled into institutions such as ML Sultan College, which opened its doors in 1956, and the University of Durban Westville, which opened in 1972. Despite providing valuable educational opportunities, these institutions were part of a broader strategy to segregate and dismantle intellectual and political unity.
In the post-apartheid era, the ANC’s democratic vision for a unified South Africa included rebuilding a more inclusive and integrated education system. However, the contemporary context reveals a disheartening reality of regression. Regression from the principled non-racialism and progressive world outlook which once defined the character of our organisation.
Despite initial strides towards inclusivity and nation-building, the ANC has struggled to fully realise its ambition of social cohesion within the party, within the education system and beyond.
Many former “Bush” universities still grapple with the legacy of apartheid-era policies, facing challenges related to funding, infrastructure, and academic quality.
In December 2015, the Speakers’ Forum, as the representative body of the South African legislative sector, moved to establish an independent high-level panel to undertake the task of assessing the content and implementation of key legislation passed since 1994 in relation to its effectiveness and possible unintended consequences.
For 21 months, the High-Level Panel on the Assessment of Key Legislation and the Acceleration of Fundamental Change[1], which it was my honour to chair, had criss-crossed the country to hear firsthand from those who lived in the Republic of South Africa about their experience of the laws passed by the democratic state.
The Panel’s mandate was to review legislation, assess implementation, identify gaps and propose action steps with a view to identifying laws that require strengthening, amending or change. In other words, this intervention involved the identification of existing legislation that enabled the transformational agenda and pursuit of the developmental state, as well as laws that impede this goal.
The cardinal question was whether the legislative output of the post-apartheid state had been equal to the challenges already entrenched in society?
The evidence presented showed that the ills of the past were being reproduced in post-apartheid society, despite extensive legislative reform.
The observed changes had not dented the deep inequities in the quality of services received in many instances, nor had they made fundamental shifts in outcomes as seen in evidence presented in the Report.
The Diagnostic Report on social cohesion and nation-building in South Africa included a section of recommendations entitled, “Who we shall become”[2], and reads as follows:
“Accepting all peoples, cultures, languages and generations:
This means breaking down and breaking out of centuries of societal norms of racialized ethnic, class, and gendered demographic degradation and fragmentation which has characterized the formation of South Africa since colonial times.
A fractured deeply hierarchical society South Africa past and present has been with its well institutionalized comfort zones of deep spatial and emotional separation of others where loyalty ends at the mouth of the fractured racialized ethnic, class, and gender demographics caves.
It means breaking out and breaking down the dual insularities amongst and between gendered and racialized ethnic populations composing the nation state and between the society and the rest of the region, continent, and world.
Thus, because listening to each other beyond our caves and beyond our national boundaries tends to be dismissed through our exceptionalist sense of nation hood, we always it seems develop in opposite directions of where the continent and the rest of the world is going.
When the post-World War II world was gearing up for anti-colonial and racial civil rights movements, South Africa was becoming an apartheid state.
When post apartheid Black Majority rule took power, anti-immigrant sentiments from visa policies to street riots has marked this era while the rest of the continent and world has nations welcoming immigrants to contribute to their economies and are not capturing their States with corruption now robbing South Africans of the 1994 hope of becoming the leader country on the continent and one of the most well respected nations in the world.
Somehow and quickly, government and civil society—all citizens must push back from the historical habit of insularity breeding dynamics which inhibits rather than facilitates a wide open country for all here and those who wish to come.”
As I conclude, our collective commitment to social cohesion and nation-building must contend with the historical and systemic issues that continue to affect South African society.
To truly understand the depth and breadth of the people, places and events that shape our world today, we must encourage younger generations to explore their own history, strike up conversation and actively engage with their communities.
By acknowledging the contradictions and challenges we all face in building an equitable and inclusive democratic society, we may appreciate that the need for access to quality education, technology and mentorship is paramount.
The collaborative efforts of the Indian community in South Africa to develop unity and establish alliances across the board, is a lasting testament for us to advance our shared societal goals, and to renew our commitment to the broader values and principles of inclusive non-racialism.
As O.R. Tambo reminded us, we have to be better than our oppressors in our humanity.
We cannot be like them.
All progressive causes are inspired by love and not hatred. Love for land and liberty, love for humanity and love for a sense of worth. Neither hatred nor revenge can contribute towards a humanely managed and sustainable world.
Always remember that before the invention of the mirror, the most handsome and beautiful human beings could only see beauty in others because they could not see themselves.
I thank you for your kind attention.
[1] https://www.parliament.gov.za/storage/app/media/Pages/2017/october/High_Level_Panel/HLP_Report/HLP_report.pdf
[2]www.parliament.gov.za/storage/app/media/Pages/2017/october/High_Level_Panel/Public_Hearings_Report_for_Social_Cohesion/Diagnostic_Report_on_Social_Cohesion_and_Nation_Building.pdf
